Citizens' perspectives on the future of Transatlantic
Relations
- Discover here the opinions of speakers and partners
of the Miami Congress -
1. What is your current assessment of
the state of transatlantic relations?
Fundamentally good from the point
of view of convergence of citizens views of the world,
abysmal from the point of view of our political leadership.
2.
Do you think that the next decade will bring positive news
in the two historical pillars of the US-EU relations:
security and trade?
I would expect less - and indeed hope
- less news on the trade front than on the security side.
Any move to link the transatlantic economies more tightly
with disregard to the rest of the world would be a big
mistake, increasing global tensions, and the main effort
should be simply dampening down the inevitable trade frictions
that occur.
On the security front, an important dimension is political
will: contrary to US belief, the main issue for Europe
here is not whether to spend more money on defence.
Large increases in spending will just not happen. The
only way Europeans will radically improve their military
capability is if they decide to specialise their forces
to such an extent that they accept to abandon entire
fields of activity, and thence to become totally mutually
dependent for their operations. In such a scenario one
could imagine e.g Germany giving up its navy, Belgium
its Air Force, France its marine corps
. Thereby
saving billions, and allowing those funds to be redirected
to beefing up those areas of specialisation.
The other vital issue is just what kind of a Europe
one wants to see: will the EU model itself on Gandhi
or Rambo? Does it want to be a global power (USA mark
II) or the power that moves mountains by example? If
it decides to become Gandhi, the EU needs to develop
weapons which are only of marginal interest to the US
- all those which "disable" rather than destroy
the enemy - from glue to stick tanks to the ground,
to stun guns and sick sicks. Moreover, it would mean
that the EU should build up a non-military force (with
similar status to the military) which handles the issues
of rebuilding collapsed nations. This would increase
the gap between American capability to destroy and European
ability to rebuild, but it would also increase the complementarity
of our capabilities.
3.
You support the organization of the congress 'Reshaping
Transatlantic Relations for the XXIst century: the citizens'
perspective' to be held in Miami on November 14th-16th.
Do you think that such an event can bring new fresh ideas
on the present debate over the transatlantic relations?
I would hope so. Much of the thinking
in official spheres is so stale, it is starting to smell
distinctly rotten.
4.
Is the people-to-people cooperation able to
open new fields of constructive US-EU cooperation in the
coming years? In which way?
We have still not learnt that diplomacy
between democracies in the 21st Century should not be
conducted in the same way as between aristocracies in
the 19th Century.
Europeans often rebuke "America" for its
foreign policy, but this is ridiculous. The foreign
policy is that of the administration in office at the
time, and every time I speak to average Americans, I
find many who would agree with European points of view.
Likewise, there are many EU citizens who have more faith
in the foreign policy of the current US administration
than in that of their own country. The point must therefore
be that we have to go beyond the generalisations of
"Americans believe" or "Europeans believe"
(and here references to the views of nations within
Europe is also irrellevant) and go directly to find
what issues gather which groupings in alliance across
the Atlantic. It is on this ground that we will find
very fertile territory, as the opinion polls released
by the German Marshall Foundation show that the European
and American populations share almost entirely the same
views of the world on many many issues - far more than
do our leaders.
5.
Being the two richest and most democratic areas on the planet,
do you think that both the EU and the US societies face
a special responsibility regarding globalization on the
one hand; and on the other hand, do you think that they
will face a growing number of similar challenges in their
way towards the next decades?
We are at the beginning of a paradigm
shift at least as fundamental as the Renaissance and Reformation.
A large part of that challenge will come from the 5 billion
citizens of this planet who live in less than rich countries.
We have to address this, and cannot ignore it. Indeed,
the challenge is not just economic. The biggest surprise
that will hit us is the rebirth of religion - and not
that of Islam. Our dislike of Islamic fundamentalists
is not because they are Islamic, but because they are
fundamentalist. Hence we may come to fear the coming wave
of messianic Christian fundamentalism that is brewing
in many points South, and that will yet come back to challenge
the way we define the very meaning of our lives. We will
soon realise the clash is not so much between civilisations
as within them.
6.
Beyond treaties, organizations, common interests, ... the
cooperation between Europeans and Americans is, in the end,
a matter of people cooperating with people (politicians,
civil servants, businessmen, executives, professors, activists,).
How do you assess this 'human factor' today? Should it be
improved?
Anybody
engaged in the Miami Congress is likely to be sympathetically
disposed to your affirmation. This said, the question
is how. Do we need more events where people simply gather?
Can we use the net (or the "Grid" as the next
generation of the Internet is increasingly dubbed)? Can
we actually build an entirely new form of international
relations, based on the notion that everybody will be
an ambassador - and not so much of a country, as a point
of view - with their identity as much determined by their
values as the historical accident of their place of birth?
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