Let's
start with a wider context for this question, from the point
of view of an American living in Eastern Europe:
Communism
has apparently spent itself as a major political force.
Now I believe we are in for the testing of democracy - democracy
and capitalism. Their supposed twin victory is likely
to be tried severely in the decades to come.
It
seems that the "false strength" of the US - its
reflexive assertion of military and technological superiority
for a quick fix - has been weakened by the ongoing Iraq
crisis, but its real strength has a chance to emerge
if the country's ruling powers will allow themselves to
be chastened by their own blunders on the way to empire.
Unhappy response now in Iraq, Afghanistan, and in many parts
of the world, could conceivably direct the United States
towards the limits to unilateral power it needs sooner or
later to grasp. Such response can bring the lesson that,
in the end, other nations do not like to cooperate with
a country so heavy-handed militarily and arrogant in attitude
that they must find ways to either withdraw or resist its
aims.
But
the strengthening of the United States, I think, mainly
depends on the American people; whether we are able to shake
ourselves from the trance induced by a media that has become
an alarming fusion of government and corporate interests,
and realize several things:
1.
Our democratic way of life is not to be taken for granted.
We can lose what democracy we have and we are
losing it - inch by inch: not because of outer attacks from
al-Quaida, but because of our government's increasingly
distorted response to them. The civil liberties we deny
the Guantanamo captives are the civil liberties we practice
losing for ourselves.
2.
We are fast becoming hostage to a new political agenda of
America preeminence in the world, brought by a group of
neo-conservatives waiting in the wings since the last Bush
administration. The attractiveness of this ideology draws
from the deep trauma after September 11, the imperial ambitions
of a few, and unfortunately, a kind of insulation from,
and ignorance about, the rest of the world which is also
to be found in America. We are afraid and could obey our
government and close ranks against outsiders. But do we
really want to be an empire?
3.
We are cultivating the loss of respect and very likely the
cooperation of other nations. The ripple of sympathy for
America around the globe after the attacks turned to confusion
then anger after the US administration showed disregard
and open ridicule for European allies who disagreed with
its determination to go to war. The policy in the aftermath
of Afghanistan and Iraq, articulated with a peculiar combination
of fervor, naïvety, and entitlement, sows hatred, not
least among the Arab world - the very sort of hatred that
bewildered Americans after September 11. Do we want to alienate
the world in order to protect ourselves? Can we afford
to lose the last scrap of good will in order to "prevail"
in a world more and more filled with enemies?
I was
one of those not convinced by the arguments for the Iraq
war, but not able to demonstrate against it with conviction
either.
After
living in post-Communist Europe for many years, I recognized
how fragile is the making of a democracy and how easily
it can be unmade. It was only in experiencing the psychological
aftermath of totalitarianism that I understood what a marvel
the US constitution actually is, and that few countries
on earth have anything like the codified protections of,
say, free speech, which Americans like me assumed would
always be there. But fear and war media have contributed
to a subtle and not-so-subtle censorship in the United States
right now that is marginalizing the voices of foreigners
and shaming the opinions of dissenters.
A Russian
I met there last fall said of the US he recognized the signs
of a press moving towards totalitarian thinking. During
the war preparations, he remarked glumly that he never thought
he'd see America become the next Soviet Union. The message
over the airwaves at the time was essentially this: They
are trying to get us, so we'd better get them first.
The "they" was alternately the Washington sniper,
the Anthrax perpetrators, Saddam Hussein, an Indonesian
paramilitary group, and other potential enemies. The international
news coverage I'd had in Europe was hard to find.
This
worries me. The outcry I hear is mainly from foreigners
who live or work in the US, not from my educated and perceptive
American friends.
The
US government thought democracy would break out in Iraq
like crocuses in spring. Even in the Czech Republic, which
has more cultural similarity to America as well as a bit
of democratic history, truly democratic institutions are
tenuous at best. America simply cannot, with a wave of the
wand and a little fairy dust, remake other traditions into
its own image of democratic capitalism.
On
the question of the only remaining superpower becoming the
new Empire: The fear of Americans is being captured for
ideological purposes that have grave consequences and Americans
need to decide whether we choose an imperial vision, on
both moral and practical grounds. Empire generates resistance
for one thing. And can the US continue to pursue such adventures
without bleeding itself dry militarily and economically?
And without losing the last scrap of good will in Europe
and the rest of the world? Can it cajole countries' support
and let them down in return, such as it did with its new
friend Poland? (Poland hoped for a relaxation of visa regulations,
but was told too many of its citizens seek illegal jobs
in the US.)
Lots
of nations know the dangers and traps and burdens of empire,
like Britain, but my government is not really listening
these days. It's not listening to its own military strategists
who are concerned that personnel and equipment are overstretched,
compromising the ability to respond to threats. It's not
really listening to the foreigners in its midst - many citizens
or long-term residents - who are alarmed at the measures
taken against them in the name of homeland security, and
who weep, earlier than others, for the loss of the American
dream.
For
America, that special country with a marvel of a constitution,
is the repository of the dreams of ordinary people around
the world. Along with American pop culture and consumer
goods, citizens everywhere have looked have looked to its
mythical dimensions: the openness, the inclusion, the protection
of liberty. It's time now, more doggedly than before, to
practice discerning the myth from the reality.
What
I wonder is if our remaining superpower will use its special
status and power on behalf of the world as a whole or will
it simply visit its trauma from September 11 on every living
thing outside its borders?
We'll
have to choose. If Americans like me are skeptical of wielding
power unilaterally and without restraint, we'll have to
challenge the ideology of empire at the core of a government
that's not really listening. We'll have to challenge that
ideology with irresistible pressure and from every fiber
of our being, and thereby re-earn our democracy.
And
all the people outside our borders who recognize clearly
what our country is becoming - who know the difference between
false and real strength - can help us to see.