I
believe that the European Union is weaker after the Iraqi
War. It has been said : United We Stand, Divided we fall!
The decision to declare war on Iraq caused much dialogue
among citizens of the world.
As members of this global community, we are used to hearing
about border wars, conflict between Israel and Palestine
and conflicts among other neighboring countries. These conflicts
are either religious or territorial. However, the war with
Iraq was based on the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,
the threat these weapons presented to our global community
and the issues of trust and honesty.
Trust and honesty are at the core of all societies. Each
person has to ask the question : Was the war with Iraq
necessary?
Some people believe, yes it was necessary.
Other people believe, there were ulterior reasons on the
part of decisionmakers.
The answer lies somewhere in between. What does this mean
for EU leaders and citizens? EU leaders and citizens are
facing many issues at the same time. Leaders,as well as
citizens, are divided on many of the issues facing the EU.
The Iraqi war
exposed the difference of opinions even further, not only
from within each country but also between countries. France
and Germany opposed the attack on Iraq, while UK and Italy
were in favor. These are four countries out of the 15 that
make up the EU. France and the UK are two of the permanent
members in the UN Security Council. By representing opposing
views these countries neutralize their voting power in the
UN. When the question is asked : Is the EU weaker or
stronger after the Iraqi War? the analysis would indicate
that the division among the member countries would make
the EU weaker at this time.
While
striving to develop is own identity, the European Union
is organizing itself to emerge with a new image.The relationship
with Iraq, the relationship with the US, the financial responsibility.
Such innovations would rapidly test the salience and interest
of the EU to its public. Combined with a genuinely clear,
sharp new EU constitution, this could represent a huge leap
forward in building a real European political and public
space. Nor should it be forgotten, as was underlined at
a recent Transatlantic Center debate, that the creation
of the US political culture and demos followed, and did
not precede, the writing of the US constitution. Leaps forward
are possible. Moreover, the fact that the future EU will
not be a federal state on the US model, but will continue
to be in effect some combination of the US and the United
Nations (UN), is all the more reason to emphasise and develop
participative democracy and not simply institutional change.
But
what about the possibility of a European constitution?
The EU is about sharing sovereignty. But we do not need
to speak about a constitution because it embodies and implies
a separate layer of sovereignty. Rather, we should look
at having a constitutional text or Treaty, a simplified
basic Treaty, which includes fundamental rights, so that
everybody can read and understand the EU values, what it
stands for and its basic institutional structures.Such a
division of the current impenetrable lengthy set of treaties
into a basic Treaty and other texts with less essential
provisions, also raises the perennial issue of the national
veto, with the possibility of retaining the veto only for
the basic Treaty and moving to majority voting elsewhere.
One of the fundamental challenges outlined by the Laeken
declaration was the question of how Europe, as a power wanting
to change the course of world affairs in such a way as to
benefit not just the rich countries but also the poorest
could shoulder its responsibilities in the governance of
globalisation. Barnier is clear that Europe has a role to
play in the world and must be a political power but he says
this must also be part of the political verification at
the start of the debate: Do member states want Europe to
play a global role?
He underscores the many changes brought by 11 September:
The US understood that it was not invulnerable. These terrible
attacks showed there are new threats and risks in the post
Cold War world and that we must all adapt in the face of
the the US has made it their fight, but the fight against
terrorism cannot be done just by the US. They have need
of us and we have need of them. We cannot impose this change,
we must explain it and show its value. We must recall the
basic aims of the European project on peace, stability and
democracy. And we must show that it is in the interests
of all citizens and enterprises that these countries next
to us in Europe have the same standards, and rules, for
conditions of work, for the environment, for production
and so on the challenges facing the U.N. and the world community
are daunting. To meet such challenges, the world community's
response must be quicker, more targeted, and better coordinated
than ever before. As the world's only truly universal organization
in terms both of its mandate and its membership the U.N.
has an essential role in the 21st Century.
Much of the discussion by the 8 members the world's seven
richest nations plus Russia centered on the peace road map
and was followed by a joint statement.[It] offers a historic
opportunity to solve the conflict... within the framework
of two viable states living side by side with secure and
recognized borders and to bring decades of human suffering
to an end.
Other talks focused on North Korea, Afghanistan, India Pakistan
relations and the reconstruction of Iraq.French officials
said the meeting between Mr de Villepin and Mr Powell, which
lasted just 45 minutes, was "friendly and frank".
Relations among 8 countries were badly damaged by the Iraq
crisis, when Canada, France, Germany and Russia opposed
the US drive to attack Iraq a policy supported by the UK,
Italy and Japan.